By Jason Ralph
The united states reaction to 11th of September was once unheard of. The 'war on terror' went opposed to the norm within the experience of being strange and it challenged definite overseas norms as articulated in overseas legislation. This booklet specializes in 4 particular exceptions: US coverage at the focusing on, prosecution, detention, and interrogation of suspected terrorists. The Bush management argued that during each one of those components the U.S. was once now not limited both by way of known overseas legislation or via treaty legislation. This coverage programme has been pointed out through fans of the criminal theorist Carl Schmitt as facts helping his declare that liberal internationalism used to be answerable for the incidence of ever extra violent different types of battle. Professor Ralph argues that the Schmittian thesis comes in handy for studying facets of America's reaction to 9-11 yet that it really is fallacious to finish that the exception is inherent to liberal internationalism. the explanation the battle on terror matches so squarely with Schmittian considering is since it used to be conceived by way of conservatives who sought both to protect American liberalism (in their realist guise) or to advertise liberal democracy out of the country (in their neoconservative guise). Liberal internationalists, rather protecting or republican liberals, adverse the yankee exception. They have been supported sometimes by way of protecting realists who argued the exception didn't make the us more secure. The ebook considers the political power of those arguments within the post-Bush interval and concludes that the post-9/11 exception keeps to persuade US coverage regardless of the election of President Obama.
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Additional resources for America's War on Terror: The State of the 9/11 Exception from Bush to Obama
Ultimately, however, US policy was underpinned by realist assessments of the US national interest after 9/11 and a neoconservative, or offensive liberal, approach that saw the US as both the vanguard of liberal democratic revolution and the ultimate custodian of the international common good. The third purpose of this chapter is to assess the signiﬁcance of these arguments on the Obama administration. It is argued that the human and material costs of the American commitment to Iraq were so exacting that it changed the realist assessment of a policy of regime change/democracy promotion and its value to the national interest.
Indeed, the US Senate speciﬁed in 1949 that ‘the words armed attack clearly do not mean irresponsible groups or unlike any other . . not a battle for territory, not a battle between states [but] a battle for and about the ideas and values that would shape the twenty-ﬁrst century’, in Tony Blair, A Journey (London: Hutchinson, 2010). 27 Ivo H Daalder and James M Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Washington DC: Brookings, 2003) 112. 28 President Barack Obama, Remarks in Address to the Nation on the Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan, West Point Military Academy, West Point, New York, 1 December 2009.
As noted above, the Bush administration argued that al Qaeda was inseparable from the Taliban and for this reason Operation Enduring Freedom was a lawful act in an ongoing armed conﬂict. The US also argued, however, that al Qaeda’s actions triggered its right to use force in self-defence outside a situation of armed conﬂict. This was not because Afghanistan had necessarily ‘sent’ al Qaeda to attack the US. 31 The US was, in this respect, claiming that the authority to use force in self-defence was broader than the norm that was articulated in Nicaragua.
America's War on Terror: The State of the 9/11 Exception from Bush to Obama by Jason Ralph